Nova Medusa

Idź do treści


Articles published in previous issues of the quarterly:

Prof. dr hab. Tadeusz Kmiecik

Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie i polsko-radzieckie oraz ich wpływ na kształt terytorialny Polski w latach 1918-1920

On March 3, 1918, under the pressure of the German army the Soviet Russia and Germany signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. It obliged Red Army to retreat from the Ukraine and to acknowledge Polish matter as the internal affair of Germany. With this, it did not recognize Poland's rights to independence.
The next decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic approved on the August 29, 1918 executed the rulings of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. It revoked the treaties signed by the government of the late Russian Empire with the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires, among them the Poland's partition treaties. In practice this decree simply fulfilled the obligations put on Russia by the rulings of Brest-Litovsk Treaty.
The annulling of the partition treaties was treated by the Poles as a pretext to restore the Polish rights to the regions that were a part of its territory before the first partition of the country. On this account the Poles assumed that the newly established country should reach as far as the Dnieper River (together with the right-bank Ukraine and Belarus) - as it was before the 1772. This concept was presented by Roman Dmowski.

Józef Piłsudski had a different point of view in his mind. He claimed that it is impossible to restate Poland and its territorial shape from the XVIII century. He justified it by saying that the taken territories had already population that developed their own national identities, and that they have all the rights to create their own countries. He wished to establish a confederacy with them and make them a first line of protection against Russia.
Despite the differences in the approach to the shape of the country, all the political parties were ready for confrontation in case they could not carry out their plans, or in case of Russian aggression. the 1920 Polish-Soviet war was simply a consequence of the two sides conceptions concerning the boarders and political order of this part of Europe.

Summary of the paper "The Forecast of Threats v. the Real Development of the International Situation", by Ambassador dr. hab. Slawomir Dabrowa

In this paper less attention is paid to the theoretical aspects
of the subject described in the title. Instead, the author concentrates, on the relation between the international situation as forecast and the reality of current events and processes occurring in the contemporary world. The opinion that there is a great discrepancy between the prognostics created by analysts and the real development of the international situation is the starting point. According to the author it is necessary to continue forecasting events and processes, because on this basis foreign policy is planned, including national security policy . To predict threats to security is of particular importance, since it makes possible their identification, as well as prevention, counteraction and elimination of negative consequences.
However, the unexpected so often does happen. The major threats influencing international security, such as the terrorist attack on September 11 2001 against the territory of the United States, the armed conflict between Georgia and Russia in August 2008, or global financial and economic crisis that came into sight by the end of 2008, all were not foreseen. Another kind of threats to security are wrong prognoses offered by politicians on important issues. The spectacular example of wrong prognoses is the run of current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

When the international situation is developing unfavorably and contrary to expectations, it is recommended to react in a realistic manner and not to be guided by wishful thinking, so often present in Polish foreign policy. For instance, the author stresses that the geopolitical position of Poland should not be considered as a disadvantage or a threat. In particular, since Poland is the member of NATO and the EU one should rather look for benefits deriving from this position.

"Prognozowanie zagrożeń a rzeczywisty rozwój sytuacji międzynarodowej"
amb. dr hab. Sławomir Dąbrowa

W artykule mniej uwagi poświęcono teoretycznym aspektom zagadnienia nakreślonego w tytule, a bardziej skoncentrowano się na relacji między prognozowaną sytuacją międzynarodową a aktualnymi wydarzeniami i procesami występującymi we współczesnym świecie. Punktem wyjścia jest ocena, że istnieje duża rozbieżność między prognozami sporządzanymi przez analityków, a rzeczywistym rozwojem sytuacji międzynarodowej. Mimo takiego stanu rzeczy, należy kontynuować prognozowanie wydarzeń i procesów, gdyż na tej podstawie planowana jest polityka zagraniczna, w tym polityka bezpieczeństwa państw. Szczególne znaczenie ma prognozowanie zagrożeń bezpieczeństwa, ponieważ to umożliwia ich identyfikowanie oraz zapobieganie, przeciwdziałanie i likwidowanie negatywnych skutków.

Często jednak zdarzają się rzeczy niespodziewane. Istotne zagrożenia, mające wielki wpływ na bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe, nie zostały przewidziane. Chodzi o atak terrorystyczny 11 września 2001 r. przeciw terytorium USA, konflikt zbrojny między Gruzją a Rosją w sierpniu 2008 r., czy światowy kryzys finansowy i gospodarczy, który ujawnił się w końcu 2008 r. Innym rodzajem zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa są błędne prognozy postawione przez polityków w ważnych sprawach. Jaskrawym przykładem złych prognoz jest przebieg obecnych wojen w Iraku i Afganistanie.

Kiedy sytuacja międzynarodowa rozwija się niekorzystnie i niezgodnie z oczekiwaniami, wskazane jest reagowanie w sposób oparty na realizmie, a nie kierowanie się wishful thinking, tak częstym w polskiej polityce zagranicznej. Na przykład położenie geopolityczne Polski między dwoma mocarstwami nie powinno być uważane za niekorzystne, a tym bardziej za zagrożenie, zwłaszcza w warunkach członkostwa Polski w NATO i EU. Powinno się raczej szukać korzyści wynikających z tego położenia.

Prof. Barbara Wejnert
University at Buffalo

The Effect of Social Movements and Development on Democratic Future

As many young democracies emerge in the presence of challenging initial conditions such as widespread poverty and inequality, economic dependence on a small range of commodities and high levels of ethnic fragmentation, it is a valid concern of scholars that, even though there is no current alternative to democracy as a principle of legitimacy, democracy may stand unchallenged in principle, and yet in practice be formidably challenged in its performance. It is with this understanding that we need to look at countries' conditions that determine their future political system of democracy or autocracy. This paper focuses on these conditions arguing that two sets of factors most strongly affect the development of political system: 1) degree and scope of popular sovereignty, and 2) the level of countries' development. This paper also hypothesizes that in comparison to development, political sovereignty has a stronger impact on countries progression from autocracy to democracy.

Dr Adam Paweł Olechowski
Protection of information as the basis of safety

Being in possession of genuine and checked information concerning the adversary is a guarantee of success either in the military sphere or in politics or economy. However, a single piece of information is hardy relevant. Not without becoming a part of the entire set of information may it gain importance. Therefore, one of the crucial aims of information war is to reach the information sources of the adversary, their penetration or even their total takeover. The main target in the information war waged on the strategic level is the total takeover of the adversary's information territory keeping one's own information territory safe at the same time. The information territory consists of all systematized information resources that are available for the given subject. What is of great importance for every institution, including the state, are its human resources. It would be them who would be the target in the information strategic war. Therefore it is a mistake to limit the information safety to the sole protection of information infrastructure, e.g. the tele-information networks or documents containing sensitive information, i.e. being subject to protect. Besides, it is impossible to talk about the information safety as separated from other aspects of the safety of the modern state. A lot of attention should also be given to certain precautions, among which we place the users' awareness of the importance of information and the necessity to observe defined procedures concerning the access to information above all.


Among the new dimensions of security in the special interest begins the ecological safety. It should be understood as creations the conditions of existence for all humanity that does not undermine the foundations of life on Earth. Therefore, thinking about the ecological safety should be addressed to solving questions of access to clean water, agricultural production, as well as prevention of epidemics of communicable diseases and prevention of consequences of natural disasters and technical. When planning the project in prevention of threats to environmental security must be aware that ecosystems operate determined by the people over political borders of countries. For this reason, security operations against threats to environmental security must have an international dimension. The failure of such actions or their disregard for any of the countries within the area of the ecosystem may in fact have negative consequences for the other inhabitants of the region.

Psychological activities

During the wars and armed conflicts involved sides struggle not only on the material plane, and above all military. The opponents are locked in pitched battle each other also in the spiritual or otherwise psychological realm. The struggle in this field is all about depriving the enemy will to fight, and thus minimize its resistance. Contrary to appearances in the psychological area does not involve the humanization of armed conflict and there aren't achievements of modern warfare. They were used and recommended already by the ancient strategists, both of European as well as non-European civilizations, mainly Chinese and Indian. The main weapon in the struggle for psychological plane was persuasive message that reaches the audience in the form of spoken or written words. Nowadays, getting this message to various auditoriums greatly facilitate technical means of mass communication. These measures can not be regarded as a major weapon of psychological warfare. It's still remain for persuasion and appeal.


The Baltic Sea Region is one of the special geopolitical and geostrategic importance areas for Europe. It run through here important trade routes, which are delivered to many European countries, valuable resources, including oil and gas. Therefore, over the centuries almost all the European countries have fought for influence in this region. The largest players in the region are, traditionally, Russia and Germany. Currently, about influences also apply to the U.S. and China. Due to its location, history and political importance - the economic state of the Baltic Sea region have different security interests. Common to them are issues of ecological safety and the prevention of transnational organized crime. A major problem is the rebirth of nationalism.

Dr Waldemar Nowosielski
UKW Bydgoszcz

Działania Unii Europejskiej i NATO na rzecz ochrony środowiska

Słowa kluczowe: Bezpieczeństwo, NATO, Ochrona, Środowisko, Unia Europejska.

Tematyka tego opracowania związana jest z bezpieczeństwem ekologicznym w Unii Europejskiej i z zadaniami, które spoczywają na pakcie obronnym NATO i dotyczą tej tematyki.
Wśród wielu zagrożeń, jakie rysują się w perspektywie XXI wieku, do najpoważniejszych zaliczyć należy zagrożenia ekologiczne. Innymi słowy - postępujący na całym świecie proces niszczenia naturalnego środowiska człowieka. Nie jest to zjawisko nowe, nasiliło się jednak i przybrało cechy globalne od chwili opanowania energii jądrowej, a zwłaszcza po serii wielkich wybuchów przeprowadzanych przez mocarstwa atomowe, począwszy od lat sześćdziesiątych ubiegłego stulecia. Już wtedy zarysowała się groźba unicestwienia przyrody w jej obecnym kształcie. W przypadku totalnej wojny atomowej istnieje prawdopodobieństwo wystąpienia tzw. zimy jądrowej, czyli wielkich, niekorzystnych zmian klimatycznych na całym globie. Katastrofa w Czarnobylu w 1986 r. uświadomiła nam, że także pokojowe wykorzystanie atomu mające wciąż wielu entuzjastów może mieć niszczące skutki.
Katastrofa ekologiczna może przybierać różne formy. Takie niekorzystne zmiany najczęściej są związane z zanieczyszczeniem wód (zwłaszcza mórz) w wyniku awarii tankowców z ropą. Kolejnymi elementami środowiska naturalnego, które ulegają degradacji są: atmosfera - zatruwana gazami przemysłowymi i gleba - zanieczyszczana substancjami chemicznymi, odpadami poprodukcyjnymi i komunalnymi oraz śmieciami pochodzącymi z gospodarstw domowych.
Na tej podstawie można sądzić, że zagrożenia ekologiczne w XXI wieku będą stanowić jeden z podstawowych problemów zarówno w skali globalnej, jak i regionalnej. Dlatego pierwszy obszar, który ujęto w tym artykule, to tematyka związana z bezpieczeństwem ekologicznym w Unii Europejskiej.
Od kiedy Polska w 1999 r. została członkiem NATO, jest dla nas ważne, jak ten obronny sojusz podchodzi do spraw bezpieczeństwa ekologicznego. Stąd drugi obszar tematyczny, który poddano analizie, związany jest z działaniami NATO na rzecz bezpieczeństwa ekologicznego.

Actions of the European Union and NATO for environmental protection

Keywords: Safety, NATO, Protection, Environment, European Union.

The subject matter of this elaboration is related to the ecological safety in the European Union and the tasks that rest on the NATO defense pact and applies to this matter.
Ecological threats are the most serious among many others drawn in the twenty-first century perspective. In the other words- those threats are treated as a worldwide process of destroying human's natural environment. This is not a new phenomenon. However, since the mastery of nuclear energy, especially after a series of large explosions carried out by the nuclear powers, starting from the sixties of last century, it has been intensified and taken on global features. A danger of nature's destruction in its present form has been outlined. In case of nuclear war, there will be a probability of so-called nuclear winter, which is a huge, unfavorable climate change on the whole globe. Due to Chernobyl disaster in 1986, we realized that there is also a peaceful usage of the atom, which still has many supporters, but can have destructive consequences as well.
The ecological disaster can take many forms. Such adverse consequences are usually connected with the water pollution (especially sea pollution) caused by the failures of oil tankers. Further elements of the environment that degrade are: atmosphere- poisoned by industrial gases and soil- polluted by the chemical substances, post-production and municipal waste, and trash coming from the households.
On this basis, it can be assumed that ecological threats in the twenty first century will become one of the main problems both in global and regional range. That is why, the first area included in this article is the topic related to ecological safety in the European Union.
Since 1999, when Poland became a member of NATO, it is important for us to know what is the approach of this defense alliance to the issue of environmental safety. That is why, the second thematic area, which has been analyzed, is connected with the actions of NATO for ecological safety.

Dr Elżbieta Sawa-Czajka


The article touches the important subject on women's presence in politics. It describes and justifies the actions that support women in political institutions. The article analyses arguments for and against these actions. It says that absence of women in main political institutions may have consequences.


Artykuł porusza ważny temat udziału kobiet w polityce w szerokiej międzynarodowej perspektywie. Opisuje i uzasadnia zastosowanie mechanizmów wspierania uczestnictwa kobiet w instytucjach politycznych. Analizuje argumenty za i przeciw stosowaniu tych mechanizmów oraz konsekwencje braku uczestnictwa kobiet w instytucjach decyzyjnych.

Dr Jacek Przybojewski

The impact of chosen constitutional solutions on the quality of the exercise of power in Poland

Ensuring high standards of operation of public authorities depends on binding legal regulations that determine the way of structural as well as functional organisation. Constitutional sanctioning of the rule of separation and balancing of powers, typical for the legal order of democratic states is a starting point to creation of specific solutions in reference to model and relations between entities in a legislative, executive, judicative sphere. Such model shall be an expression of coherent conception, deprived of ambiguity, which would minimize potential institutional contentions and prefer rational coexistence in conditions of the exercise of power. In Polish constitutional order it is relatively facile to see the deficiency in regulations that would probably provide high quality of the exercise of power. In executive branch, for instance when the foreign policy is concerned, such deficiency leads to depreciation of presidential competences towards the government, mainly by not taking into account presidential mandate, strong as derived from general election. Legislative power is organised in a way typified by glaring disparity between the Seym and the Senate to the advantage of the first of aforementioned chambers, which allows even to call in question the sense of existence of bicameral parliament. Also, means of functioning of courts significantly impedes the effective accomplishment of the universal right to judicial consideration of cases. Normative deficiencies in the model of organisation of public authorities, stemming from the lack of logical coherence, result in a wide array of negative occurences relating to state as an integrity as well as to individual citizens.

Dr Sławomir Sadowski

The Expansion of liberal democracy on the World as a condition of present conflicts

The main question in the article is if the promotion of democracy in the World and building liberal democracy for immature societies is reasonable. Is forcing freedom and democracy another way of constraint?
The author submits a thesis that the present liberal democracy is a political system of free people. Their freedom is the sum of political, economic, intellectual and moral liberty. Therefore in outdated societies the liberal democracy does not adopt easily. It concerns mostly Islamic and African societies.
The building of liberal democracy in these countries needs fundamental social transformation. Especially, a typical urban society - wealthy, well-educated and secular must originated . Using force to make these processes faster usually leads to bloody conflicts.

Ekspansja demokracji liberalnej w świecie jako przesłanka współczesnych konfliktów

Przedmiotem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy promocja demokracji w świecie wszelkimi dostępnymi metodami jest uzasadniona i czy wprowadzanie określonych wzorców ustrojowych w społeczeństwach, które ich nie znają jest rzeczywiście czynieniem dobra, czy też siłowa promocja wolności i demokracji nie stanowi w sumie innej formy zniewolenia?
Autor stawia tezę, że współczesna demokracja liberalna jest koncepcją ustrojową wolnych ludzi, których wolność jest wynikiem zespolenia swobody politycznej, ekonomicznej, intelektualnej i obyczajowej. Tym samym w społeczeństwach zbudowanych na innych, często anachronicznych fundamentach społecznych ta forma organizacji adoptuje się z dużymi problemami. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza społeczności islamskich i afrykańskich.
Powstanie społeczeństw demokratycznych w tych państwach może więc być tylko wynikiem głębokich przemian społecznych powstałych w wyniku różnorodnych procesów modernizacyjnych, a zwłaszcza ukształtowania się społeczeństwa typu miejskiego, zamożnego, wykształconego, laickiego i otwartego na świat. Zastosowanie siły w celu przyśpieszenia tych procesów zwykle prowadzi do krwawych konfliktów.

Dr Adam Strzelecki

Social welfare as a condition for the social security of citizens

The main point of this article is to show, that social welfare formed firstly by the idea of solidarity and self-help, then governed by the state, affects the social security of the citizens. In the process of European integration the problem of social security and employees social protection were relatively early noticed and taken included into primary and secondary source of European law Social rights were included into the European Social Charter in 1961. The problem of social security and social protection was also reflected in the establishment treaty of the Constitution for Europe signed in Rome in 2004.
As a result of expectations related to the systemic and economic transformation after 1990, polish society demanded more from the welfare state, because it could not overcome the habits from PRL. Social welfare became the important task of local government. In the light of the Act of 2004, social welfare has become an institution of the state social policy. The policy is to help individuals and families to overcome difficult life situations.
The social situation in the town of Włocławek presented in the article is the example of existing hazards in the area of social security in the last 8 years. It illustrates the grounds and the ways of overcoming the Włocławek social phenomenon. Analyzing the social security of people living in the town, one can see symptoms of inheritance of poverty. Some citizens have based their existence and their families' existence on benefits and free meals only.

Pomoc społeczna jako warunek bezpieczeństwa socjalnego obywateli

Celem opracowania jest wykazanie, że pomoc społeczna, kształtowana najpierw przez ideę solidarności i samopomocy, dalej regulowana przez państwo, wpływa na bezpieczeństwo socjalne obywateli. Regulacja tych zagadnień dostrzeżona, stosunkowo wcześnie przez organizacje międzynarodowe, ma swoje odniesienie również i dzisiaj. Problematyka zabezpieczenia społecznego i ochrony socjalnej pracowników w ramach procesu integracji europejskiej została już stosunkowo wcześnie dostrzeżona i uwzględniona w źródłach prawa pierwotnego i wtórnego Unii Europejskiej. Prawa społeczne zawarte zostały już w Europejskiej Karcie Społecznej w 1961 r., a problematyka zabezpieczenia społecznego i pomocy społecznej znalazła także swój wyraz w traktacie ustanawiającym Konstytucję dla Europy, podpisanym w Rzymie w 2004 r.
Społeczeństwo polskie, w wyniku pokładanych nadziei związanych z transformacją ustrojową i gospodarczą po roku 1990, domagało się od państwa większej opiekuńczości, ponieważ nie przezwyciężyło przyzwyczajeń wyniesionych z PRL. Ten problem w zakresie zabezpieczenia społecznego znalazł swój wyraz w realizacji coraz bardziej ważnego zadania samorządu terytorialnego jakim jest udzielania pomocy społecznej. W świetle ustawy z 2004 r. pomoc społeczna stała się instytucją polityki społecznej państwa, mająca umożliwić osobom i rodzinom przezwyciężenie trudnych sytuacji życiowych, których nie są w stanie pokonać.
Przedstawiony przykład występujących zagrożeń w obszarze bezpieczeństwa socjalnego społeczeństwa polskiego na przykładzie miasta Włocławka w ostatnich 8 latach ilustruje skalę tego zjawiska w podziale na przyczyny i zastosowane środki pomocowe. Analizując bezpieczeństwo socjalne mieszkańców Włocławka, można dostrzec symptomy dziedziczenia biedy, gdzie wielu podopiecznych egzystencję własną i rodziny przez lata opiera wyłącznie na zasiłkach z "opieki" oraz korzysta z darmowych posiłków.

Dr Stanisław Jerzy Włodowski

The dark side of the Charter of Fundamental Rights

Analysing the first fourteen articles of the Charter of Fundamental Rights the author shows their incoherence both with the realities of the 21st century and the needs of the membership countries.
Noble intentions are insufficient to put the Charter as a model for legislative actions as it would be an impaired model.
In the author's opinion the Chart-improving actions should consider:
- a need for respect for solutions and social discoveries made in local communities;
- respect for a human being should not be unfounded but stem from the values of their personality;
- due to rapid developments in the areas of medicine and technology a time for making a distinction between a human being and a cyborg or a being of animal origin is coming;
- permanent limitation of rights not of ordinary people but of criminals is needed;
- clear rules of operation in circumstances of natural disasters or shortage of medicaments should be formulated;
- eugenic selection in our times may have economic foundation;
- instead of exercising the privilege of being supported by law-abiding citizens, prisoners should be engaged into works in the interests of the society;
- being a sportsman or a representative of some other professions in certain cases bears the hallmarks of slavery;
- private safety is currently closely related to the citizens' financial status;
- security services are less of a threat to "domestic aggressors" than they are to the freedom of communication between the citizens and journalists;
- personal data are the subject of illegal trade on an unprecedented scale;
- social welfare supports not the families of alcoholics but alcoholics themselves;
- the state on its own is unable to prevent aggression and religious, ethnic or racial ostracism;
- political totalitarianism has been replaced by economic totalitarianism which determines the dynamics in all areas of social life from scientific research to access to education.

Ciemna strona Karty Praw Podstawowych

Analizując czternaście początkowych artykułów Karty autor wskazuje na ich niekoherentność z realiami XXI wieku, a także potrzebami obywateli krajów członkowskich.
Szlachetne intencje nie są wystarczającym powodem, by stawiać Kartę jako wzorzec dla działań legislacyjnych, gdyż byłby to wzorzec ułomny.
W opinii autora w działaniach naprawczych Karty należałoby uwzględnić:
- potrzebę szacunku dla rozwiązań i odkryć społecznych poczynionych w społecznościach lokalnych;
- szacunek przynależy człowiekowi nie bezpodstawnie, lecz w ścisłym związku z klasą (walorami) jego osobowości;
- z uwagi na postępy medycyny i techniki zbliża się czas rozgraniczenia między istotą ludzką, a cyborgiem lub istotą odzwierzęcą;
- konieczne jest permanentne ograniczanie praw nie zwykłych ludzi, lecz przestępców;
- w przypadkach katastrof żywiołowych lub niedoboru środków medycznych powinny być jasno sformułowane zasady działań, np. kolejności ratowania życia;
- selekcja eugeniczna może mieć współcześnie podłoże ekonomiczne;
- więźniowie nie powinni korzystać z przywileju przerzucania ciężaru swojego utrzymania na niepenalizowanych obywateli unikając prac użytecznych;
- status sportowca oraz niektórych innych zawodów w określonych przypadkach zbliżony jest do statusu niewolnika;
- bezpieczeństwo osobiste jest obecnie ściśle powiązane ze statusem ekonomicznym obywateli;
- organy bezpieczeństwa mniej zagrażają "bandytom domowym", niż swobodnemu komunikowaniu się obywateli i dziennikarzy;
- dane osobowe są przedmiotem nielegalnego handlu na niespotykaną dotąd skalę;
- państwowa pomoc zasila nie rodziny alkoholików, ale bezpośrednio alkoholików;
- państwo nie jest samodzielnie w stanie zapobiec agresji i ostracyzmowi na tle religijnym, etnicznym
bądź rasowym;
- miejsce totalitaryzmu politycznego zajął współcześnie totalitaryzm ekonomiczny, który przesądza o dynamice wszystkich sfer życia społecznego, począwszy od badań naukowych, a skończywszy na dostępie do nauczania.

Mgr Anna Magdalena Walczak

Contemporary threats to national treasures

The goods of global culture play an important role in strengthening the identity of entire social groups and nations. Therefore, the destruction of objects of cultural heritage is a great loss for us, all countries. The paradox is that until the late nineteenth century, the international community adopted the first regulations for the wider humanitarian law, and the rules of conduct to protect cultural property during armed conflict were adopted as late as in the Hague Convention of 1954 (Art. 30. of the Second Protocol to the Hague Convention of 1954).
Thus, for many centuries until the mid-twentieth century, national treasures were not protected by any law and could have been robbed and destroyed with impunity.
It must be emphasized with regret that despite the existence of the relevant regulations, contemporary wars cause massive destruction of cultural objects of global importance (Persian Gulf, Balkans, Afghanistan, Iraq and other inflammatory regions of the Middle East).
Poland suffered huge losses of its treasury. Today it plays a leading and inspirational role in the international forum in the field of legislative solutions for cultural objects in danger.
In Poland, the basis for any action for the protection of cultural property is the law of 23 July 2003 on the care and protection of historic monuments (Journal of Laws of 2003, No 162, pos. 1568 as amended) and Regulation of the Minister of Culture of the 25 August 2004 on the organization and means to protect monuments in the event of armed conflict and crisis (Journal of Laws No. 212, pos. 2153, as amended).
In times of peace, above all natural disasters and the side effects of the development of modern civilization are dangerous for the national heritage. This also applies to ill-considered human interference with the natural environment.
Serious damage of historical monuments are also caused by the fires, which are particularly dangerous to wooden churches.
The hot issue now is to protect the monuments from all kinds of crime, especially organized crime, which has intensified in recent years. Moreover, global terrorism has become an entirely new threat to national treasures.
The international community and governments should skillfully combine the relevant regulations with practical activities, and unite their efforts in all situations threatening the destruction of cultural heritage worldwide.


Dobra światowej kultury odgrywają ważną rolę w utrwalaniu tożsamości całych grup społecznych i narodów. Z tego też względu zniszczenie obiektów kulturowego dziedzictwa jest ogromną stratą dla nas wszystkich. Paradoksem jest, że dopiero pod koniec XIX w. społeczność międzynarodowa przyjęła pierwsze regulacje prawne w zakresie szeroko rozumianego prawa humanitarnego, zaś zasady postępowania wobec ochrony dóbr kultury w okresie konfliktu zbrojnego zawarte zostały w Konwencji Haskiej z 1954 r. (art. 30. Drugiego Protokołu do Konwencji Haskiej z 1954 r.).
Tak więc przez wiele stuleci aż do połowy XX w. dobra kultury narodowej nie były chronione żadnym prawem i mogły być bezkarnie rabowane i niszczone.
Z ubolewaniem należy podkreślić, że mimo istnienia stosownych zapisów zawartych we wspomnianej Konwencji, współcześnie prowadzone wojny spowodowały ogromne zniszczenia dóbr kultury o znaczeniu światowym (Zatoka Perska, Półwysep Bałkański, Afganistan, Irak i inne zapalne regiony Bliskiego Wschodu),
Polska, która poniosła ogromne straty dóbr kultury, odgrywa wiodącą oraz inspirującą rolę na forum międzynarodowym w zakresie proponowanych rozwiązań legislacyjnych na wypadek zagrożenia w okresie wojny i pokoju.
W Polsce podstawę wszelkich działań w zakresie ochrony dóbr kultury stanowi Ustawa z 23 lipca 2003 r. o ochronie zabytków i opiece nad zabytkami (Dz. U. z 2003 r., nr 162, poz. 1568 ze zmianami) oraz Rozporządzenie Ministra Kultury z 25 sierpnia 2004 roku o organizacji i sposobie ochrony zabytków na wypadek konfliktu zbrojnego i sytuacji kryzysowych (Dz. U. Nr 212, poz. 2153 ze zmianami.
W czasie pokoju bardzo niebezpieczne dla narodowego dziedzictwa kulturowego są klęski żywiołowe oraz uboczne efekty rozwoju współczesnej cywilizacji. Dotyczy to również nieprzemyślanej ingerencji człowieka w środowisko naturalne.
Poważne zniszczenia zabytków wynikają też z pożarów, które są szczególnie groźne dla drewnianych budowli sakralnych.
Bardzo aktualnym obecnie zagadnieniem jest ochrona zabytków przed wszelkiego typu przestępczością, zwłaszcza zorganizowaną, która nasiliła się w ostatnich latach.
Zupełnie nowym zagrożeniem dla dóbr kultury narodowej stał się światowy terroryzm.
Społeczność międzynarodowa oraz rządy państw winny umiejętnie łączyć stosowne regulacje prawne z działaniami praktycznymi i podejmować wspólne wysiłki we wszelkich sytuacjach grożących zniszczeniem bądź zagładą światowemu dziedzictwu kultury.

Dr Waldemar Nowosielski

Values survey on the subject of "Values of regular soldiers" was accomplished on 4th May 2009. The questionnaire was filled in by 201 regular soldiers.
The quantity research was conducted with the use of the VSM survey (international questionnaire).
The selection of the sample was intentional, arbitrarily and is not representative. The analyses and conclusions cannot be automatically transposed to the rest of the population, although they allow us to draw conclusions concerning noticeable tendencies and dimensions.
On the basis of the survey the following conclusions can be formulated:
- Values recognized by respondents as the most important in their organizational structures include: gaining recognition for good results at work, having the possibility of consulting with superiors, having a boss who deserves respect, having chances for promotion and having time for a private or home life.
- In their private lives, however, respondents recognized as the most important such values as: moderation in fulfilling the needs, having time for entertainment and modesty (not patronizing). In addition, respondents claim saving is an important part of their everyday lives.
- What is disturbing is the fact that in their interpersonal relations regular soldiers are tense (59,7%).
- The vast majority of respondents are happy (68,7%) and only one in five declare being occasionally happy (20,9%).
- 78,1% of respondents claim they behave in the same way at work as at home.
- Religion plays a moderately important part in lives of 46,3% of respondents.
- The feeling of national pride is one of the most important values (59,2% of respondents are proud of being citizens of their country).
- Nearly half of respondents (49,7%) claim that subordinates fear to oppose their superiors.
- The majority of respondents agree with statements such as:
"It is possible to be a good superior and at the same time not to know the exact answers to all the questions of subordinates about the work", "Continuous effort is the best way of achieving results", "Organizational structures in which subordinates have two superiors should be avoided at all costs", "We should respect heroes of the past."

Ks. prof. nadzw. dr hab. Mirosław A. Michalski
The Conception of Freedom in Rev. Józef Tischner's Philosophy

Rev. Prof. Józef Tischner belongs to the circle of Polish christian philisophers - catholic. One can classify his viewpoint as part of christian personalism, where two main positions are held by, basic for Tischner, values: truth and freedom. As he wrote himself: "Next to the truth, freedom is second value, which christian personalism considers to be indispensable for the existence of mankind and its development in a human being. In the same way in which truth is for a man the key to the world. freedom is the key, which opens the way for the values into the depth of a human being. (…) Freedom is a key which opens the entrance for the value to the depth of a human being. While truth is the value of the "inside" necessary for realizing all other values in the world that surrounds us, freedom is a necessary means for a man to enable him to create himself as a moral person" .
In his inquiries concentrated on the question of freedom, Tischner starts consideration from looking from historical perspective. Next, he undertakes the try to show the essence of freedom through the prism of understanding the man as a dramatic being. In the context of human drama, for Tischner there id no pure freedom, but freedom constantly presents itself as liberation of man from something that imprisons, restricts them. Freedom as liberation - or, more specifically: liberating - presents itself, among others, in the man's possibility to make choices, to decide about themselves.
Yet, the most widespread form of understanding the liberation is the conception connected with ontological interpretation of freedom, where freedom is understood as a manifestation of power. According to it, free is the one who controls the opposite powers. The liberation means to eliminate violence in order to liberate the power. Depending on how one understands this power, which presents itself as a man's own power, Tischner enumerates two versions of ontological interpretation of liberation: individualistic and community.
The individualistic version of ontological conception of freedom, presents itself outside as a striving into two directions. One time it is an escape from society, other it is a struggle with the society which is trying to captivate an individual. Both methods can express themselves in various forms, also through nihilism, anarchism and terrorism.
The opposite of individualistic interpretation is the community option of the idea of liberation, connected with collectivist (summatic) conception of society, that means the community, which arises out of the union of powers of individuals in one collective power. In this interpretation, freedom presents itself as a force which helps the human being to control the powers of the world, and especially to control the powers that rule the mankind's history.
The other form of affirming the freedom is understanding the freedom as an existence of right. The goodness is the only thing that is free. The freedom of goodness, according to Tischner, arises out of its transcendence in attitude towards being. Because only the goodness is free, a man can be - according to Tischner - free and transcendental, as far as a man can participate in what is good. The possibility of partaking in what is good depends only on a man himself, or to be more specific, on his choice - for to take part in what is good means to choose what is good. Longing the freedom, one has to choose what is good. God is the utmost goodness, so when longing the freedom, one shall choose God - the utmost goodness. Yet, God does not put any pressure on a man. Goodness is unfamiliar with violence.
One of the forms of choosing goodness, choosing God and answering to God's choice is prayer. A man prays for he wants to pray. Man expresses the request: your will be done. It is an act of choice made by man, that is also an expression of man's freedom. Similarly - as the prayer is an expression of man's freedom, for God, the expression of freedom, God's will, is the fact that God listens to man's prayer. It is tearing the reality out of casual nexus, tearing the waorld out of a chain of necessities and absolute dependencies; determinism.
Prayer is a means to acquire the freedom by a man. A man, while praying, chooses God, and due to this choice liberates goodness and starts to acquire freedom. In a prayer man becomes free through his choice. He becomes the utmost, the absolete freedom. For Tischner, the prayer for liberation already is the liberation itself. In this point of view, man's life shall be an incessant prayer. It shall be a continuous choosing. Having chosen once, man has to choose again and again - it is a process of no end.
In other dimension, freedom presents itself to us as a grace itself. As a grace of all graces, which opens new horizons to us. "Freedom is a kind of a gate - says Tischner - through which one enters the insides of Christian homestead. It presents itself as a living concrete fact, not as a bookish abstraction. We read: "Freedom is the grace of health, manfulness, hope. Whenever man receives from God the gift of grace, he always recives some part of freedom". Freedom is a basis of society, a factor that decides about its distinguishing characteristic from other creatures. "Freedom is a power of acquiring goods, through which a human spirit lives, and which this spirit becomes". We further read: "Freedom is an essence of humanity... Only the free man really exists".

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